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Countdown to February 2019: A Look Ahead at Nigeria’s Elections

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Introduction
In February 2019 Nigerians will vote for their next president, deciding who will lead Africa’s largest economy and most populous country into the next decade. They will also elect many state governors, and all federal and state legislators. The elections will pit the governing All Progressives Congress (APC) against the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and many smaller parties. In many ways, the process will serve as a referendum on President Muhammadu Buhari’s first term at the head of a civilian government.
The 2019 elections are shaping up to be of the ‘old school’, with APC incumbents likely to leverage their access to state coffers, their control over patronage mechanisms and their influence over security agents in their efforts to fend off opposition challengers. Such tactics recall those used by the PDP to hold on to power for 16 years (1999–2015), and reflect the strong similarities between Nigeria’s two main parties. Virtually indistinguishable in terms of their ideology, policies and conduct, both parties function as patronage-fuelled coalitions of fractious elite networks that share one objective: to achieve political power and the financial rewards that come with it.
Even so, there are signs that a generational shift in Nigeria’s political landscape is under way. Political debates among younger Nigerians are increasingly focused on politicians’ performance, government policies, and citizens’ own expectations and aspirations. Unwilling to be ‘carried along’ by self-serving politicians in exchange for hollow promises or token sums, a new generation of voters – one that may take many years to coalesce and to change political norms – is beginning to take shape.
Like the 2015 elections, next year’s polls will have a colossal impact on Nigeria’s economic future and stability prospects. The outcome will determine the extent to which its government makes progress in fighting terrorism, reining in corruption, resolving communal conflicts and addressing the country’s significant socio-economic challenges. The 2019 elections also represent an important milestone in Nigeria’s democratic development: will they be as credible as the 2011 and 2015 polls, or deeply flawed like those in 2003 and 2007?
This paper examines the pre-election playing field in Nigeria, assesses the prospects of the two main parties, reviews the prospective presidential candidates, assesses the readiness of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and examines how social media and new social movements could influence the elections.

 

The story so far

2015 saw a historic victory for the APC. Formed in 2013 as an amalgamation of three large, mostly regional, parties and rebels from the then governing PDP,1 the APC overturned 16 years of PDP dominance. The success of the party was largely attributable to its national spread and a number of high-profile defections from the PDP. The 2015 elections marked a turning point in Nigeria’s political journey since the return to civilian rule in 1999. This was the first time an opposition party had won both the presidential election and a majority in the legislative and gubernatorial polls. It was also the first time that an incumbent president had been defeated.
The APC, led by former general Muhammadu Buhari, who had previously headed a military government in 1983–85, entered office with an ambitious list of pledges to the electorate. These centred on fighting corruption, combating insecurity, improving public services and creating social welfare programmes. With the exception of large swathes of the South South and South East,2 the APC could boast widespread support across the country. But it was not long before public frustration with Buhari’s new government began to mount. The new president took several months to name his cabinet, and he left many other key government positions unfilled. The economy entered recession, largely as a result of low world oil prices, reduced oil production, and the government’s slow policy response and illiberal economic policies. The naira plummeted as the Central Bank of Nigeria imposed foreign exchange controls to avoid devaluation, and food prices shot up as the effects of protectionist trade policies hit consumers.
Security also deteriorated, with the Centre for Democracy and Development’s ‘Buharimeter’ monitoring project reporting that more than 800 people died as a result of insurgency-fuelled violence in the northeast during Buhari’s first 100 days in office.3 Although the president would later claim some victories over the weakening Boko Haram insurgency, a potentially more deadly expansion in land- and resource-based clashes between farmers and pastoralists was devastating parts of the Middle Belt region of central Nigeria. In the southern half of the country, Niger Delta militants threatened a fresh wave of violent attacks against oil infrastructure, and there was a revival of Biafra separatist movements. In addition to the challenge of multiple conflicts, a series of overseas visits by the president to address an undisclosed health issue helped create a fertile environment in which an internal party conflict then festered.
Despite the speculation over his health and criticism of his presidential style, Buhari remains very popular in some parts of the country and within factions of his party, and he has declared his interest in running for a second consecutive term in 2019. If he wins and then serves another full term, he will be in his early 80s by the end of his tenure, and it is likely that his time in office will again be disrupted by further medical treatment overseas and internal party disputes.
The PDP is not faring much better as regards party unity. Instead of focusing on repairing its image, which has been tarnished by decades of corruption, the party prefers to criticize the APC’s failings without offering alternative policy approaches. Despite this, the PDP gained significant mass in July 2018 after numerous senators and federal representatives defected to it from the APC. The PDP is certainly not short of prominent figures hoping to win the party’s presidential nomination: several sitting and former governors and a former vice-president have joined the crowded primary field.
In all, 29 states will also hold governorship elections in February 2019; seven others remain ‘off-cycle’ for different reasons. Of these contests, 20 involve sitting governors (12 of whom are members of the APC, the other eight being from the PDP). Incumbent governors running for a second term have significant advantages over their opponents because they are able to dominate state party structures, leverage powerful patronage networks, and use state funds to bolster their campaign. The other nine state governorships that will be contested next year (Borno, Gombe, Imo, Kwara, Nasarawa, Ogun, Oyo, Yobe and Zamfara) have term-limited incumbents who cannot run again, setting the scene for more competitive party primaries and governorship elections in those states.
These elections matter because state governors collectively exercise more influence over the country’s overall stability, economic prosperity and social welfare than do federal-level officials. They sit at the top of the political food chain in their respective states, each of which has a population, an economic profile and a budget on a par with some small or medium-sized countries. The result of the contest to replace the term-limited governor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, will be especially important, given the enormous conflict-related and socio-economic challenges facing that state. Will Borno voters be given the opportunity to elect someone with the skills and vision to confront these problems, or will Shettima be tempted to designate a less capable – but more politically pliable – ‘godson’ as his successor?

The Independent National Electoral Commission: ready for 2019?

Many of the troubles of previous elections can be traced to the conduct of INEC, a body that has seen many changes of leadership and is in a constant state of internal reform. It has shouldered the blame for many pre-election mishaps (such as the non-delivery of voting papers and equipment malfunctions), but with every election the Commission seems to get better at scrutinizing its staff and trying to improve its processes. The 2015 elections, conducted under the leadership of Attahiru Jega, are considered the most efficiently run and the most transparent of Nigeria’s recent elections. But obstacles are already apparent as regards preparation for 2019.
The presidency and the Senate are currently jockeying over the sequence of elections, which is proving to be very disruptive to the process. Traditionally, the presidential election and national assembly elections are first to be conducted, followed a fortnight later by the state governorship and state assembly polls. The Senate has supported a legislative proposal to alter the order and hold elections over three days, with national assembly elections first, followed by state governorship and state house of assembly elections, and with presidential elections coming last in the sequence. INEC released its election timetable (providing for a two-stage election process) in January 2018, but the bill to enable the reordering of the electoral sequence was, controversially, passed by the National Assembly a month later. President Buhari refused to sign the bill into law, warning that it might undermine INEC’s ability to organize, undertake and supervise elections. Critics of the bill condemn the actions of its supporters as unconstitutional, and are concerned that, with a sufficient majority in the House of Representatives, the president’s veto can be overturned.
The argument for reordering is that the outcome of the presidential poll influences the way in which people vote in the elections that follow. By holding the presidential elections last, the intention is that electorate will exercise greater consideration in electing their federal and state legislators, rather than voting for the party of an already declared winner. This dispute has drawn attention to the discord between the executive and legislative branches of government. If the National Assembly overturns the veto, this will embolden the legislature and set a trend for more confrontations with the presidency.
INEC has been carrying out continuous voter registration since 2016, but this has not been without difficulties, and some parts of the country have experienced the problem of citizens being unable to register because of inadequate staffing levels and a shortage of registration machines. INEC personnel, for their part, have complained about voters registering but then failing to collect their permanent voter cards. The increasing number of parties being registered also poses complications. There are currently 68, and the number is likely to rise even higher.
Another issue dogging Nigerian elections – and one that resurfaces with every election – is that of underage voters. An INEC official has claimed that underage voters have been registered in certain parts of the country after some members of those communities intimidated INEC staff. But despite such challenges, INEC claims that it will be ready for 2019 and its incumbent chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, insists he will not be intimidated by partisan pressure.
Security remains a serious problem in the northeast of the country, with Boko Haram and other militant groups still very active in the region. The 2015 polls were delayed to allow for a military offensive to secure the area. If the military is called into action again for 2019, this will further weaken the government’s often-repeated claim that the insurgency has been eliminated.
Security conditions during the pre- and post-election period will greatly impact INEC’s ability to conduct credible and well-executed polls. Since Buhari’s victory the government has claimed success in reducing the impact of insurgents in the northeast, but other security crises have intensified across the country: these could be exploited by unscrupulous politicians and their supporters to disrupt pre-election logistics or the voting process itself. In some states, the threat of intercommunal clashes – such as the farmer–herder conflicts that roil the country’s Middle Belt states – could suppress voter turnout, or even put poll workers at risk.

 

 

2019: Buhari’s last hurrah

President Buhari and his party will attempt to assemble the same geopolitical coalition that propelled them to victory in 2015. Then, the APC relied on a powerful electoral alliance between the country’s southwest economic heartland, the vote-rich northwest – President Buhari’s home region – and parts of Nigeria’s northeast and north-central regions. Buhari’s key campaign promises – to rein in corruption, defeat Boko Haram and revive the ailing economy – resonated with a plurality of Nigerians in the wake of 16 years of increasingly corrupt and ineffective PDP leadership.
Since that time, public opinion polls show that President Buhari’s popularity has waned considerably.4 For the first half of his term, he was suffering an undisclosed but clearly serious illness. Although he appears to have since recovered, he remains an aloof and disengaged leader, ‘walled off’ from his own government and party, and from Nigerians themselves. Halfway through his first term, Buhari and his government had fulfilled just seven out of his 222 campaign promises, and had made no progress at all on a further 96, according to analysis by the Buharimeter project.5
President Buhari’s critics claim he has done little to tackle unemployment, boost the country’s anaemic power supply, or address the worsening violence between pastoralists and farmers in the volatile Middle Belt. Even the results of his signature policy issue – fighting corruption – are mixed. During his tenure, Nigeria’s anti-corruption agencies have assiduously investigated former government officials, while at the same time sparing sitting officials and ruling party ‘bigwigs’ from close scrutiny.
Unlike his predecessors, Buhari disdains partisan political issues and rarely intervenes in intra-party disputes. As a result, the APC lacks cohesion, as well as any deep affinity with the president himself. Almost five years since its establishment, the party is still an uneasy alliance of autonomous elite networks bound together by little more than incumbency and a collective desire to stay in power through 2023 and beyond.
Since taking power nationally and in two-thirds of Nigeria’s 36 states, the APC’s political strength has grown in some ways and ebbed in others. It has wrested three state governorships (Kogi, Ondo and, most recently, Ekiti) from the PDP during off-cycle elections. Similarly, the APC is exploiting missteps by the PDP governors of Cross River and Akwa Ibom states to make inroads there. At the same time, however, intra-party squabbles and divisive leadership have weakened its position in hitherto APC strongholds like Kano and President Buhari’s home state of Katsina. These state-level disputes factored in the decision of some senators and representatives to defect from the party in late July 2018. The APC will also struggle to maintain its grip on swing states that it won in 2015, especially Kogi and Benue.
Over the coming months, a few key factors will determine whether the APC will repeat its sweeping 2015 victory or risk defeat. The first is the degree to which the party either remains united behind Buhari’s candidacy or sees existing factional divisions widen. Recent party congresses – forums where the APC’s local, state and national leaders were chosen by party members – have deepened intra-party rifts. Regardless, the congresses will have determined which APC power brokers will enjoy an advantage when they meet to select party candidates later this year.
Recent developments suggest that tensions and divisions within the party continue to escalate. Notably, in early July 2018 a group of prominent APC members held a press conference to announce the establishment of the Reformed APC (R-APC). This breakaway faction from the party core, led by Alhaji Buba Galadima, a former ally of Buhari, presaged the defection later the same month of dozens of federal legislators from the APC to the PDP.6 Additional ‘cross-carpeting’ may follow. As at previous elections, political parties and party membership will remain fluid at least until the primaries.
The second factor is the President Buhari’s own record in the last six months of his current term, and his party’s performance in off-cycle governorship elections in the states of Ekiti and Osun – in July and September 2018, respectively. Buhari’s popularity may yet rebound if he is able to meet some of his manifesto promises – or it may slide further if he seeks re-election having failed to make tangible progress in addressing the country’s socio-economic and security challenges. In either case, the APC’s win in the July 2018 state governorship election, as announced by INEC, together with its performance in the forthcoming election in Osun state – both of which are located in the politically fickle southwest – will serve as a bellwether for the party’s fortunes in the 2019 national polls.

 

2019 aspirants: many old hands – and some new faces

Although, as yet, only a handful of people have formally declared their intention to run for president in 2019, with a little over six months to go there is intense speculation over who will eventually contest the election, and for which party. Among the most widely discussed figures are:

President Muhammadu Buhari: A combination of astute PR and the ability to tap into popular anger at the conspicuous corruption associated with the administration of Goodluck Jonathan helped Buhari – a serial presidential aspirant – to victory in 2015 at his fourth attempt. His team worked hard to shed his stern authoritarian image from his time in the army and his short-lived military presidency in the 1980s. Buhari promised Nigerians a return to high economic growth, improved security and an end to corruption.

Atiku Abubakar: Nigeria’s vice-president in 1999–2007, Abubakar has plenty of experience in campaigning for the presidency using several platforms. On this, his fourth attempt, he is hoping to win the nomination of the PDP, the party he served in government. Despite the fact that he is 71 years old, the early stage of his campaign is actively targeting Nigeria’s youth.

Datti Baba-Ahmed: Kaduna native Datti Baba-Ahmed is a former senator who also served in the House of Representatives. His campaign focuses on institution building, job creation and fighting corruption. Like Abubakar, he is seeking to appeal to younger voters, and at 48 years of age he is young by Nigerian political standards. The founder and pro-chancellor of Baze University in Abuja, Baba-Ahmed also hopes to win the PDP nomination, claiming that a second term for Buhari ‘will destroy Nigeria and unsettle the rest of Africa’.

Ibrahim Dankwambo: The governor of Gombe State and former federal accountant-general is also vying to represent the PDP. His background in finance is appealing to fans of technocrats. Although he does not have the political profile of some of the aforementioned, he has the backing of several political subgroups which highlight his relative youth – he is 55 years old – and firmly believe he is the best qualified candidate.

Donald Duke: The former governor of Cross River State is one of a younger breed of politicians to emerge during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency (1999–2007). A polished politician, Duke disappeared from the political scene after 2011 but has occasionally hinted at making a comeback.

Fela Durotoye: A motivational speaker with a large following, Durotoye is running as the candidate of the Alliance for New Nigeria (ANN), a new political party. He describes himself as a ‘technotician’ – a hybrid of technocrat and politician – and says that his focus is not just on politics but on delivering good governance.

Ayodele Fayose: The outgoing PDP governor of Ekiti State, Fayose is a larger-than-life and divisive figure known for his attention-grabbing style of governance and his acid put-downs of opponents. He has on more than one occasion claimed that God revealed to him that he will be president.

Jaye Gaskia: Social activist Jaye Gaskia says that Nigeria has been crippled by ‘decades of incompetent, selfish, greedy and light-fingered leadership’, and he believes he is the man to address it. He leads ‘Take Back Nigeria’ – a movement demanding that politicians be held to account by the electorate. Gaskia says the 2019 elections will be about citizens taking back the country from the elites. Like many non-career politicians, he has not yet announced which party he intends to run for.

Rabiu Kwankwaso: A former governor of Kano State and incumbent senator, Kwankwaso outperformed Atiku Abubakar in the APC’s 2014 primaries, coming second to Buhari. He has since then been quietly strengthening his profile, but growing animosity between him and his successor as state governor, Abdullahi Ganduje, divided the APC in Kano and resulted in him rejoining the PDP in July 2018.

Sule Lamido: A former minister of foreign affairs and two-term governor of Jigawa State, Lamido does not have a national profile but is nevertheless a serious contender for the PDP nomination. He surprised many observers by not defecting to the APC, instead remaining in the PDP to rebuild the fractured party after its 2015 defeat. The reopening of a money-laundering case against him and his sons may hamper his ambitions, however.

Ahmed Makarfi: The former governor of Kaduna State, former senator and erstwhile PDP chairman, Makarfi reportedly enjoys a political alliance with Rivers State governor and party financier Nyesom Wike. Makarfi hails from the same geopolitical region as Buhari, which could help the PDP make inroads into that area – latterly an APC stronghold – in 2019.

Kingsley Moghalu: A former deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Moghalu is also a respected lawyer. His years at the UN have given him international exposure, while his role in overseeing change at the Central Bank has identified him as an economic reformer. Moghalu is campaigning as a competent technocrat with a vision to help Nigeria ‘Build, Innovate and Grow’.

Omoyele Sowore: An outspoken journalist and political newcomer, Sowore is the publisher of Sahara Reporters, a media platform that has become the bête noire of Nigeria’s political elite. He has thus far campaigned on improving Nigeria’s anaemic power supply, addressing insecurity and releasing the imprisoned Shia cleric Ibrahim Zakzaky. Sowore is attempting to use crowdfunding to raise $2 million in campaign funds.

 

Opposition: ready to roll?

Although still reeling from its 2015 election defeat, the PDP remains Nigeria’s largest and most formidable opposition party. At the time of publication, it controls 12 state governorships,7 as well as the office of deputy president of the Senate. In the National Assembly, moreover, the PDP now holds an apparent majority in both houses, and its legislators chair many key committees, including the Senate Downstream Petroleum Committee and the House Upstream Petroleum Committee. The party also enjoys the support of several ‘godfathers’ – former top officeholders with deep pockets and well-developed political networks.
The PDP appears to have emerged from a two-year long power struggle between rival internal factions: one led by the former governor of Kaduna State, Ahmed Makarfi, and the other by his former counterpart in Borno State, Ali Modu Sheriff. With the backing of Nyesom Wike, the governor of cash-flushed and vote-rich Rivers State, Makarfi’s faction won a messy legal battle in 2016 for control of PDP party structures. Wike, now one of the party’s most influential power brokers, installed his close ally Uche Secondus as national party chairman late last year.
Looking ahead, the PDP’s competitiveness will depend on two main factors: the political pedigree and popular appeal of the party’s presidential nominee, and its ability to unify against a well-financed incumbent who remains popular across much of the north. In an effort to blunt Buhari’s ‘home field’ advantage, it is likely that the PDP will nominate a candidate from Nigeria’s northwest – a political strategy known as ‘zoning’. Contenders from this region include Makarfi, former senator Datti Baba-Ahmed and former Kano State governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, who recently decamped from the APC. Despite hailing from the northeast, wealthy former vice-president Atiku Abubakar has also announced he will once again run for the presidency.
It remains to be seen, however, whether the PDP’s new leaders can reunite the opposition party and entice some sitting governors away from the ruling party. As with the APC, much will depend on how credibly and collegially the PDP conducts its party congresses and primaries. If it builds an inclusive coalition of dynamic candidates, it could recapture many legislative seats and some of the governorships that were lost in the 2015 APC landslide.

 

How new media and new movements will shape the 2019 elections

As already seen at the 2011 and 2015 elections, social media is playing an important role in disseminating information and creating new trends. While hashtags like #BringBackOurGirls have mobilized people to protest against a perceived failing of government on security matters, social media has largely been adopted by politicians as a convenient propaganda tool and a channel to discredit their opponents. All the same, a number of political groupings are now emerging that are keen to exploit the popular disillusionment with the APC and PDP.
The Not Too Young To Run initiative, created by the Youth Initiative for Advocacy, Growth and Advancement, seeks to encourage youth inclusion in political processes. It promotes the removal of age barriers to running for office and aims to address inequalities in the political system, and has been adopted by the UN as a global campaign to encourage young people to run for public office. In Nigeria, the Not Too Young To Run bill, signed into law by President Buhari in May 2018, reduced the lower age limit for presidential hopefuls from 40 to 35, while the minimum age for candidates for election to the House of Representatives was reduced from 30 to 25.8
Another non-aligned citizen-led group is the Red Card Movement, led by the former federal minister of education and social affairs activist Oby Ezekwesili. The movement aims to end what it sees as poor leadership in politics and governance in Nigeria, and advocates citizens’ participation in politics and elections; it also envisages serving as a sort of watchdog over government activities after elections. It emphasizes that it is not a political party, nor is it aligned to one.
One of the movements capturing headlines is the Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM), founded in early 2018 by former president Olusegun Obasanjo, which has claimed to be a grass-roots organization with 3 million members. The establishment of the CNM came shortly after Obasanjo published a statement launching a stinging critique of Buhari’s performance as president.9 In May, the CNM merged with a small political party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Another group, the Nigeria Intervention Movement, co-chaired by civil society activist Olisa Agbakoba, has the stated aim of fostering new political leaders from a range of backgrounds to ‘restructure Nigeria’s foisted Constitution and corrupt political order’.10
What these movements have in common is a sense that Nigeria needs to be ‘saved’ from the current crop of political leaders and that the current system is not sustainable. They are also raising awareness of the power that citizens hold, and calling for an end to what they see as political impunity by encouraging the electorate to hold political leaders to account. Whether the current enthusiasm for these movements can be built on beyond the elections remains to be seen, but if the momentum is sustained the 2023 elections could see a younger and more engaged political class.

Outlook and implications

Nigeria has entered a volatile pre-election period in which politicians will be, as Nigerians would say, ‘heating up the polity’. Across the country, politicians and officials build up personal or party ‘war chests’ – some of them using public funds. They will use these resources to build up their political machines, mobilize youth, and distribute patronage to influential individuals and voting constituencies. After party congresses and primaries conclude, some jilted politicians will decamp to other parties in the hope of reviving their campaigns elsewhere. Just prior to the election, governing party officials may well look to ensure that sympathetic officials are posted to top security and INEC postings in must-win states. In these respects, the 2019 elections will very much follow the pattern of other recent national polls.
Although the prospect of renewed military involvement in politics should never be totally discounted, on the surface at least it appears that Nigeria’s democratic trajectory will continue without interruption. Now that the PDP monopoly has been broken, legitimate questions are being asked about the manner in which politics is conducted in Nigeria. Civil society organizations and youth-led pressure groups are mobilizing and using multiple platforms to question and hold government to account. Former political leaders are not just adding their voices to critiques of the governing party, but are creating and supporting new movements to offer an alternative to the two biggest parties. Civilian-led organizations are also shaping the debate on how to reform Nigeria’s often nepotistic and crony-ridden political culture, which has traditionally excluded much of society.
Meanwhile, Nigeria’s international partners appear to be somewhat less engaged ahead of the 2019 elections than they were four years ago. It can, however, be expected that their focus will sharpen as Nigeria’s primary season heats up and the identities of the key presidential contenders become known. US policy towards Nigeria, in particular, has been weakened by a shift in emphasis away from democracy and governance towards counterterrorism and trade. To make up for the lack of interest in Washington, the UK, the EU and their Nigerian civil society partners will need to redouble their efforts to support – but also closely and objectively scrutinize – INEC’s performance in the run-up to and during the elections. Just like Nigerians’ all-important participation in the democratic process, international engagement will be critical to the success of Nigeria’s elections.

 

About the authors
Matthew T. Page is a consultant and co-author of Nigeria: What Everyone Needs to Know (Oxford University Press, 2018). He is an associate fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House, a non-resident scholar with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and a non-resident fellow with the Centre for Democracy and Development in Abuja. Until recently he was the US intelligence community’s leading Nigeria expert, serving with the Department of State’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Defense Intelligence Agency, and Marine Corps Intelligence. He also served as Deputy National Intelligence Officer for Africa on the National Intelligence Council.
Sola Tayo is a London-based broadcast journalist at the BBC, and is an associate fellow with the Chatham House Africa Programme, specializing in Nigerian politics, media and elections. She has previously worked as an interview producer for Al Jazeera, and as a researcher for BBC News.

 

 

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Goodluck Jonathan to release autobiography on his final moments as president

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By Oludolapo Adelana

Former president, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan will release his autobiography, My Transition Hours, on November 20, 2018.
The book which will focus on Jonathan’s time as Nigeria’s president will be launched on his 61st birthday.
The official book launch which will hold at the Congress Hall, Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, will have President Muhammadu Buhari as the Special Guest of Honour and former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as the Chairman of the Occasion.

Other persons expected at the event include John Mahama, former President of Ghana; former Nigerian Head of States; General Yakubu Gowon, General Ibrahim Babangida and General Abdulsalam Abubakar; former Nigerian Vice Presidents; Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Namadi Sambo.
The book will be reviewed by Justice Salihu Alfa-Belgore, former Chief Justice of Nigeria, former Chief of Defence Staff, General Theophilus Danjuma as the Chief Book Presenter and Bayelsa Governor, Seriake Dickson as the Chief Host.
Other special guests include Alassane Ouattara, President of Cote D’Ivoire; Alpha Conde, President of Guinea; Macky Sall, President of Senegal; Faure Gnassingbe, President of Togo; Uhuru Kenyatta, President of Kenya; Emmerson Mnangagwa, President of Zimbabwe; Adama Barrow, President of Gambia; Mahamadou Issoufou, President of Niger; Ibrahim Keita, President of Mali. The president of the African Development Bank (AfDB), Dr. Akinwumi Adesina and the United Nations Secretary-General Representative for West Africa and the Shel, Ambassador Ibn Chambers are also expected to be in attendance.

Jonathan was Nigeria’s president from 2010 to 2015. He was defeated at the 2015 polls by Muhammadu Buhari.


Dolapo is a writer and journalist who works with YNaija. He has interests in Christianity, politics and sports.

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Winner’s Chapel church Dartford, London Denies ‘Gay Conversion Therapy’ After Report

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An ITV investigation claims the Winner’s Chapel in Dartford has offered gay conversion therapy

REVEALED: Pastor Gbenga Samuel (Photo credit: ITV)

A LONDON-based church has denied engaging in so-called gay conversion therapy after an undercover reporter claimed leaders said God could “fix” him.
The news was revealed in a report from ITV, where a journalist went undercover at Winner’s Chapel in Dartford.
The unnamed reporter who featured in a the television broadcast on Monday night, said: “I went through hours of counselling and prayer sessions, all directed at ridding me of my homosexuality.

“Sometimes the prayers in themselves seemed harmless, such as for God to direct me and guide me.
“I felt it changed from something that could have been comforting to something sinister and potentially traumatising.”
The journalist claims that Winner’s Chapel pastor Gbenga Samuel began praying ‘heavily’, shouting, and spinning him around on the floor within an hour or so of first meeting him.
The reporter, who attended the church for two months, was reportedly told he needed a “complete mind reorientation”.
Despite the damning footage, the church has said the church takes “inclusion and diversity very seriously,” and their activities are lawful and follow the “biblical teachings of love for everyone regardless of their belief, gender, background or sexual orientation”.
The church said it would carry out an internal investigation in to ITV’s findings, but denied engaging in any form of gay conversion therapy.

 

 

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RE: APGA A CATHOLIC PARTY OR A PARTY FOR THE CATHOLICS!-RESPONSE TO THE SPONSORED ARTICLE WITH THE CAPTION ABOVE MEANT TO DIVIDE ANAMBRA ALONG RELIGIOUS LINES.

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Anambra State the light of our Nation Nigeria is too complex and stable for a few extremists to toy with along religious lines. After reading the Sun Newspaper advert of October 20, 2018, we were convinced that some felons are out to tarnish the good work of democracy that has kept Anambra State ahead of other states in the country.

We read with disgust, the above titled advert which appeared in the Sun Newspaper of October 30, 2014. A thorough perusal of the advert shows that it is the continuation of the war against Anambra state now hiding under the cloak of religion.

In the said advert, they tried to portray Anambra state as an unstable state whose cabinet and other positions in the government were occupied by 80% Catholics.

The accusation is totally false and was calculated to diminish Anambra State and dredge us in religious crises.

We shall take the points they wickedly raised serially.

A. POLITICAL APPOINTMENT

It is not in doubt that the current Deputy Governor of Anambra state is a proud Anglican. We can take it further to still confirm that the Chief Protocol to His Excellency, Uzuegbunam Okagbue who also double as the Deputy Chief of Staff is a proud Anglican. So numerous to mention are Commissioners, Special Advisers, Senior Special Assistants, SAs and other appointees in this government are proudly Anglican.

Going back memory lane, we have the capacity to open up the lies from the pit of hell of some disgruntled elements who do not wish Anambra state well.

Prof. Stella Chinyere Okunna, who tripled to the irritation of many, as the Chief of Staff to the former Governor; Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning; as well as the Chairman, Good Governance Group. Prof. Okunna is an Anglican.

Mrs. Vivian Nwandu was Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Budget and Economic PlanningPlanning and also a member of the Good Governance Group and, in fact, the de facto Deputy Chief of Staff is an Anglican.

Kindly peruse through the list of former Anambra state appointees and the denomination they belonged to.

1. Mr. Oseloka Obaze, former Secretary to State Government Catholic
2. Stella Okunna, former Chief of Staff and Comm. for Economic Planning/Budget Anglican
3. Peter Afuba, former Comm. for Justice and Attorney General Catholic
4. Azuka Enemo, former Comm. for Local Government Anglican
5. Lawrence Ikeakor, former Comm. for Health, Anglican
6. Henrietta Agbata, former Comm for Women Affairs Anglican
7. Callistus Ilozumba, former Comm.for Works Catholic
8. Edozie Aroh, former Comm. for Youths and Sports, Anglican
9. Sebastian Okoye, former Comm. for Environment Catholic
10. Ohamobi Chike, former Comm for Transport, Catholic
11. Chibunna Okoli Akirika ,former Comm. for Lands Anglican
12. Engr. Patrick Obi, former Comm. for Housing, Catholic
13. Ngozi Okoye, former Comm. for Finance Anglican/Pent
14. Emeka Nwankwu, former Comm. for Utilities Catholic
15. Uju Okeke, former Comm. for Education, Catholic
16. Okoli Christopher, former Comm. for Science and Tech, Anglican
17. Ndubisi Menakaya , former Comm. for Agriculture, Anglican
18. Vivian Nwandu, former Special Adviser on MDG, Anglican
19. Godfrey Muotolu, former Special Adviser on Chieftaincy Matters, Catholic
20. Emenike, Obi, former Principal Secretary to the Governor Catholic
21. Oby Nwankwo, Perm. Sec. Govt. House, Anglican
22. Ferdinand Obi Permanent Secretary/closest aide Anglican

23 Mr George Asuegbu Ijezi (Secretary) Anglican
24. Barr Gabriel Onyeozili Anglican
25. Dr (Mrs) Kate Obioji Catholic
26. Mrs Pauline Ndibe Catholic
27. Mr. Shedrach Onuigbo Anglican

C. 1 JUDICIARY

Those that placed the advert also said that over 80% of Judges in Anambra State were Catholics, here are the statistics:

Chief Judges in Anambra state in the last dispensation.

1. Justice Chuka Okoli Anglican
2. Justice Nri Ezedi (appointed by Obi) Anglican
3. Justice Emeka Nzegwu (appointed by Obi) Anglican
4. Justice Paul Obidigwe (appointed by Obi) Anglican
5. Justice Peter Umeadi (appointed by Obi) Catholic
Anambra State Judiciary has 18 Judges. The under listed, 10 in number, belong to Anglican faith, while the rest belong to Catholic and other faiths:

1. Justice Ijeoma Onwuamaegbu Anglican
2. Justice O.M Anyachebelu Anglican
3. Justice J.I Nweze Anglican
4. Justice O.C. Amaechina Anglican
5. Justice P.C Obiora Anglican
6. Justice V. N Agbata Anglican
7. Justice G.C Anulude Anglican
8. Justice Ike Ogu Anglican
9. Justice C.C Okaa Anglican
10. Justice Otti Anglican

C.2 JUDICIARY

The Customary Court of Appeal became functional in Anambra State during the last dispensation. The two Presidents of the court appointed then were Anglican!

1. Justice Chinwe Amaechi Anglican.
2. Justice Samuel Okoye Anglican

C.3 JUDICIARY

The Magistrates Cadre has far more Anglicans than Catholics and other denominations put together..

D. PARTNERSHIP WITH THE CHURCH ON HEALTH

Anambra state supports Anglican hospitals that did not fall under the original hospitals slated for assistance, namely, Faith Hospital and Maternity owned by the Anglican Diocese of Awka. Another one is the Amichi Diocesan Hospital. Anambra state also assisted hospitals owned by the Pentecostal fellowship, an example being Jesus the Physician Hospital at Awka.

In Anambra state partnership with the Churches to build and rebuild institutions, the state built 10 maternities and four of them were for the Anglican Church and are located in:

1. Umueje, Anyamelum L.G.A
2. Awba-Ofenmili, Akwa North L.G.A
3. Ihiala, Ihiala L.G.A
4. Umunze, Orumba South L.G.A

E. RETURN OF SCHOOLS

On the return of schools, there was no way any particular denomination was favoured. Schools taken over by Government in 1970 were all gazetted and it was those schools that were returned. Anglican Church benefitted more from some local Authority schools that were also returned to them. In few places there were disputes, Government set up a Committee to look into the challenges and resolve it.

Following the heroic return of schools, Anambra State Government gave to Catholic and Anglican Churches over 2 Billion Naira each to rehabilitate those schools and still dolling out millions every year to the curchrs in their partnership for a better Anambra. Anambra currently continued to pay the salaries of both tutorial and non-tutorial staff. This is now being adopted as a model across the globe.

Today, schools in Anambra come first in all external examinations. This is what Anambrarians should be celebrating rather than condone people who vilify the government who was the architect of it all.

F. CONTINUED SUPPORT TO THE CHURCH.

In line with the development agenda of the government, churches in Anambra State still benefits from the government. Below are the some of the financial assistance to some Anglican diocese in Anambra state.

1. Anglican Diocese of Aguata 5 Million for faith-based micro credit scheme/vehicle
2. Anglican Diocese of Ihiala 3 Million for faith-based micro credit/vehicle
3. Anglican Diocese of Amichi 3 Million for faith-based micro credit/vehicle
4. Anglican Diocese of Niger West 3 Million for faith-based micro credit/vehicle
5. Anglican Diocese of Mbamili a bus for their newly established secondary school
6. Other Anglican/ Methodist Dioceses and some other religious ​ ​denominations in the state benefitted

G. THOSE SENT TO THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR POLICY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES.

Among the Five persons sent to the Nigerian Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) at Kuru, Plateau State by Anambra state government, only two were Catholic. They also insinuated that the state is paying catholic priests and bishops salaries. This is the worst blackmail any human can peddle again a peace living state as Anambra.

We know their plans which is to divide Anambra state along religious lines going into the general election. Their plans have failed because Anambra state in in the hand of the God Almighty. Support Anambra state. Support APGA, Support governances.

ALLIANCE FOR EQUITY AND JUSTICE.

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Governor Willie Obiano sends early Christmas Gift

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-Head of Service takes delivery of first Batch of Christmas Rice for Civil servants-

…distribution commence 19th November, 2018.

Anambra State Head of Service, *Barr. Harry Udu*, today at the State Secretariat Complex, received the first batch of Christmas Rice for onward distribution to Civil Servants across the state.

On ground to make the presentation was *Hon. Confidence Asodo,* The Senior Special Assistant to the Governor on Finance and Secretary (JAC) stated that this is one of the many ways His Excellency, *Governor Willie Obiano* is reaching out once again to the Civil Servants across the State.

Hon. Azodo who stated that the disbursement will commence on the 19th of November 2018, also disclosed that the Governor has further directed that the payment of leave allowances of Civil servants commence from the first week of December 2018 so as to ensure that all Civil servants receive all due packages before Christmas.

According to him, the state Government has procured over 100,000 bags of Anambra cultivated and processed rice for the civil servants.

*Barr. Harry Udu,* Thanked His Excellency for keeping to his promise of making the Christmas of the workers memorable despite the harsh economy and pledged the support and loyalty of the civil servants to the people’s Governor.

Addressing Journalists during the presentation, Anambra Billionaire businessman and Chairman CEO Anambra Rice Mills Limited /Stine Group, *Chief Akai Egwuonwu* (Ume-Ebube Agu Nigeria) emphasised that every grain of the rice to be presented were cultivated, harvested and processed here in Anambra State and appreciated the support the Willie Obiano administration has given to both the rice farmers and the processors. Promising to deliver the best quality as his company is known for.

“Governor Willie Obiano has always proven that the welfare of the workers comes first, hence his timely payment of Salaries and other welfare packages ”


-Ofoneme Daniel-Scott
Anambra State Secretariat Awka

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Obiano Commends Anambra Assembly for Overcoming Crisis

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The Governor of Anambra State, His Excellency, Chief Willie Obiano has commended the members of the Anambra State House of Assembly for the mature and wise way they handled the minor misunderstanding that arose in the House on Tuesday, November 13, 2018.
Speaking from Paris where he is on official tour with President Buhari, Governor Obiano commended the Speaker of the House, Hon Mrs Rita Maduagwu, the principal officers and other members of the House for rising to the acid test of true democracy and peacefully resolving the mild misunderstanding that erupted among them saying that the matter would have degenerated to something unpleasant if handled by a less competent crop of leaders.
The Governor expressed confidence in the ability of Anambra lawmakers to always resolve their differences in the truest tradition of representative democracy and forge stronger ties that would accelerate the development of the state.
He also expressed contentment with the assurances by the Speaker and the Principal Officers of the House that whatever grey areas that might be still lingering in the House would be amicably resolved in the next few days.
Speaking further, Governor Obiano assured that Anambra remains Nigeria’s most peaceful and safe state and that his administration would continue to work assiduously to ensure that the state maintains that status.

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BREAKING NEWS : Ikem Uzoezie In Failed Attempt To Impeach Hon. Rita Maduagwu, The Current Speaker House of Assembly.

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The attempt by some members of the Anambra state House of Assembly led by Hon. Ikem Uzoezie and Hon. Harford Oseke, Victor Okoye, etc to unlawfully impeach the current speaker of the state Assembly, Rtn Hon. Rita Mmaduawu proved abortive.

It was gathered that some aggrieved members of the state Assembly today initiated an impeachment process against the speaker of the House which they intend to extend against the executive governor of Anambra state ,Chief (Dr) Willie Obiano but the process became frustrated owing to its failure to get the required 2/3 majority as required by law.

Unfortunately for the aggrieved members of the House who felt that they didn’t make it for 3rd and 4th tenure because they didn’t get the support of their constituents , and therefore had resorted for an illegal impeachment process, failed to achieve their selfish interest when the symbol of authority was not on ground to authenticate their act.

Interestingly, good atmosphere shall soon return to the state Assembly with the status-quo in maintenance. With this, the attempt by political despradors to return Anambra state her dark anarchy state has failed.

The people of the state are requested to disregard the rumour from disgruntled elements who believe that they have succeeded in impeaching the speaker as it is both unfounded and abortive mission.

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Anambra innovation centre: Brainchild of Gov Obiano

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By Uzor Maxim Uzoatu
It was a very arresting sight to behold as Governor Willie Obiano of Anambra State paced about under the sweltering afternoon sun. The all-action Governor could not be held back by the scorching sun as he took personal charge of going from stand to stand inspecting creative craft works being exhibited by the students of the Government Technical Colleges in Anambra State. On display were prototype vehicles running on water, hydro-powered generators, red bricks, blocks, assorted robots, modern cooking utensils, sports gadgets, diverse confectioneries, ultra-modern furniture, building accessories etc.

The splendid event was the 2018 Anambra State Technical and Creativity Day organised by the Anambra State Ministry of Youth Empowerment and Creative Economy in alliance with the Ministry of Basic Education.
The day marked the grand finale following a series of competitions in the fields of Technovation, script writing, acting, music and dancing.
The visibly satisfied Governor Obiano announced his plan to establish the Anambra Innovation Centre to be domiciled in any of the universities in Anambra State. The proposed centre will provide the much-cherished opportunity for smart tech-heads with bright ideas to explore their innate potentials.
The inspiration for Governor Obiano to initiate the Anambra Innovation Centre came from his recent visit to the United States where he undertook a working tour of the Cambridge Innovation Centre in Boston, Massachusetts. A real estate wonder, the Cambridge Innovation Centre (CIC)
is popularly hailed as the “community of entrepreneurs.” Founded in 1999 by the esteemed Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), the CIC houses such preeminent companies as Google, Maven Technologies that became a Yahoo subsidiary, Great Point Energy, HubSpot etc.
It is Governor Obiano’s plan that the Anambra Innovation Centre will replicate the feats of the CIC in this modern day that the service industries have overtaken the manufacturing sector.
The Anambra State government will, in the next fortnight, sponsor seven persons to the United States to embark on a study of the Cambridge Innovation Centre model. Among the seven persons designated for the study tour to America are the two youngest commissioners in the Anambra State cabinet, to wit, Mark Okoye, who is the 31-year-old Commissioner for Economic Planning and Budget Development; and also, the Commissioner for Youth Empowerment and Creative Economy, Bonaventure Enemali, who is equally aged 31. Government and non-government officials will make the trip to ensure a profound replication of the Cambridge Innovation Centre in Anambra State.
Governor Obiano had, from the very beginning, given pride of place to technical education in Anambra State by making it entirely tuition free. He added one technical school to the 11 he met when he came to power. He has ensured that all the courses of the 12 technical colleges were now accredited as opposed to the unaccredited status he met. The 7,500 technical students in Anambra State have been duly armed to conquer as was on display at the 2018 Technical and Creativity Day in Awka.
The youthful Commissioner for Youth Empowerment and Creative Economy, Bonaventure Enemali, stressed on the occasion: “The integration of the creative economy in my Ministry has opened up a new dimension in government’s efforts to effectively address the challenges facing the youths.” He revealed that the ministry was “collaborating with NGOs to fully realise the mandate of discovering, developing and deploying talents in youths.”
For the resourceful Commissioner for Basic Education, Prof Kate Omenugha, the collaboration between her ministry and the Ministry of Youth Empowerment and Creative Economy “is in keeping with the state government’s vision of availing Anambra children education that is globally competitive.” She reiterated that through the governor’s intervention, 26 trade subjects have received full accreditation in the technical colleges in the State.
The creativity dimension of the day featured drama, dance and music. Governor Obiano made the crucial point that he was determined to put in place a creative economy not unlike California in the United States. It would entail marrying entertainment to technology, as in Hollywood matching up with Silicon Valley.
Unlike in the Caribbean where music is mostly seen merely entertainment sans management, Anambra State will embrace the Californian model by using astute management and technology to reap the many dividends inherent in the entertainment industry.
Governor Obiano presented cheques to the winners of the various categories of contests. Miss Christabelle Ezenekwe, aged 14, the winner in the Acting Category, received the sum of N500,000. She was full of thanks to Governor Obiano for the encouragement and support that will help her further her education and acting career.
The inauguration of the Anambra Young Innovators, a group of youths with ideas on how to provide solutions through technology, was a major highlight of the day. The Anambra Youths Art Group was equally unveiled.
Anambra State is, indeed, poised on a great drive toward leading the charge in technology and creativity with Governor Obiano on the driving seat.

Uzoatu wrote in from Lagos

 

 

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Nigeria Names Fifth Commander in Under 2 Years To Lead Fight Against Boko Haram

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Nigeria has named its fifth commander in less than 2 years to lead the fight against the Boko Haram insurgency, the army said on Saturday, a move military sources say was related to continued attacks by Islamists.

The attacks could hurt President Muhammadu Buhari’s chances of re-election in Feb. 2019. He campaigned in 2015 vowing to end the insurgency but the conflict is entering its 10th year with attacks by Boko Haram and a group that splintered from it, the Islamic State in West Africa (ISWA).

Major General Abba Dikko, who in July took over command of Operation Lafiya Dole, has been replaced as the head of that operation by Major General Benson Akinroluyo, the army said in an emailed statement that outlined dozens of redeployments.

Dikko has been moved to the Department of Civil Military Affairs to fill the position of chief of civil military affairs.

“The Nigerian Army has redeployed some of its officers from Operation Lafiya Dole, Operation Delta Safe, as well as over stayed officers from the theatre as part of routine posting,” the army said in the statement.

Two military officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said he was redeployed because of attacks by Islamists since he took over.

Since July, when Dikko was appointed, dozens of Nigerian troops have been killed in battles with militants and ISWA killed two abducted aid workers.

Soldiers also staged a protest at an airport in September.

An army spokesman did not immediately respond to text messages and phone calls seeking further details on the decision to replace Dikko as the head of the fight against Islamists just months after he took the role.


Reuter

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Diezani Alison-Madueke to be extradited from UK—EFCC

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The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has confirmed that the process for the extraditing former Minister of Petroleum, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke from the United Kingdom has begun.
Acting Spokesman of the commission, Mr Tony Orilade, disclosed this in an interview with News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Sunday in Abuja.
There have been calls from different quarters for the extradition of the former minister over several allegations of impropriety against her.
According to Orilade, EFCC’s Operations Department has made presentation to the Legal Department to commence the process, and that process has commenced.
He, however, said that the action had to be processed through the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation, explaining that it was not something the commission would commence and conclude on its own.
“It is ongoing. Within the next few weeks, the extent to which we have gone will be made known to the public.
“It is not a fresh case; it is not a fresh petition that is just being looked into; the whole process is a total package.
“This extradition is just an aspect of Diezani’s investigation and commencement of trial,” he said.
In 2017, a Federal High Court in Lagos ordered the final forfeiture of N7.6 billion alleged loot recovered from the former minister to the Federal Government.
Justice Abdulazeez Anka granted an application by the EFCC seeking the final forfeiture of the money to the government.
Granting the application, the judge had said: “I have read the motion on notice seeking the final forfeiture of the sum of N7.6 billion reasonably suspected to be proceeds of unlawful activity.
“I have also gone through the affidavit in support of the application.
“In the circumstances, I am of the view that the application has merit and is hereby granted as prayed. Parties have a right of appeal.”
In October, 2017, the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, had said that Nigeria had no immediate plan to bring Alison -Madueke back home to face trial.
Alison -Madueke, who is being investigated in the UK, had urged the Federal Government to bring her back to the country to face corruption charges against her.
But, Malami said that bringing her back to the country would jeopardise the investigation being carried on her in the UK.
“Steps have been taken by the United Kingdom authorities on issues bothering on corrupt practices involving Nigerians.
“If Nigeria feels strongly that there is need to bring Mrs Diezani Alison -Madueke here to face charges of corruption, government will not hesitate to do that.
“As things stand now, there is no need for that since the UK Government is already investigating her,’’ he had said.
The EFCC spokesman could not, however, say the point at which it became necessary to seek extradition of the former minister.

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Nigerian Army redeploys 103 senior officers

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The Nigerian Army has redeployed 103 officers amongst who is Major General Abba Dikko, the Commander and Theatre Command of Operation Lafiya Dole.
This was stated in a press release issued by the Army Headquarters, Abuja, through its Director of Public Relations, Brigadier General Texas Chukwu.
According to the statement, the routine posting which affected 103 officers including Majors and Captains is aimed at injecting new hands to further actualize the vision of the Chief of Army Staff, COAS, Lieutenant General Tukur Yusufu Buratai which is: ‘To have a professionally responsive Nigerian Army in the discharge of its constitutional roles’.
It will be recalled that before this redeployment, the Chief of Army Staff had earlier sent goodwill messages to the troops congratulating them for their bravery, alertness and doggedness in the ongoing fight against boko haram terrorists.
Also redeployed is Major General Jamil Sarham; who is to remain at the Headquarters, 6 Division as the General Officer Commanding/Land Component Commander, then, Major General Nuhu Angbazo who now moves to Headquarters 3 Division as the General Officer Commanding, while Major General Benson Akinroluyo redeployed from Headquarters 3 Division to Headquarters Theatre Command Operation Lafiya Dole as Commander.
Others are Major General Victor Ezugwu from Depot Nigerian Army to Nigerian Army Vehicle Manufacturing Company as Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer (MD/CEO), Major General Adeyemi Adetayo from Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON) to Department of Army Standard and Evaluation as Director Procurement and Projects and Brigadier General Ifiok Obot redeployed from Headquarters Operation Delta Safe to Nigerian Army University Biu as Deputy Vice Chancellor (Military).
Others as contained in the statement are Brigadier General Olufemi Dada from Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON) to Headquarters Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC) as Director Combat Development, Brigadier General Solomon Udounwa redeployed to Defence Headquarters as Deputy Director Campaign planning, Brigadier General Adekunle Adesope from Department of Army Standard and Evaluation to the Office of the Chief of Army Staff as Acting Director in the Directorate of Audit and Financial Management.
Also, Brigadier General Caleb Dalhatu moves from Headquarters Infantry Corps Centre to Headquarters 81 Division Garrison as Commander, Brigadier General Abdu Hassan redeployed from Headquarters 2 Brigade to Headquarters Infantry Corps Centre as Chief of Staff (COS), Brigadier General Kabir Mukhtar from Headquarters 81 Division Garrison to Headquarters Department of Army Administration as Acting Director Manpower, Brigadier General Nasiru Jega redeployed to Headquarters 2 Brigade as Commander, Brigadier General Sani Mohammed moves from Department of Administration to Depot Nigerian Army as Acting Commandant.
Meanwhile, Brigadier General Kevin Aligbe is to remain in Headquarters 16 Brigade as Commander, while Colonel Adamu Nura from Headquarters 21 Special Armour Brigade is to move to Nigerian Army Armour School as Chief Instructor. Colonel Louis Lepdung is redeployed from Headquarters 25 Task Force Brigade to Headquarters Infantry Corps Centre as Deputy Director Research and Development.
Likewise, Colonel Kingsley Umoh from Administration Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON) to Defence Headquarters as Assistant Director Defence Information and Colonel Kayode Ogunsanya moves from Headquarters 3 Division Army Public Relations to Defence Headquarters Garrison Army Public Relations as Deputy Director Army Public Relations.

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